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Elders
happier with Long-Term In-Home Care from
Family versus Professionals
Newswise — Most families, at some point,
will struggle with a decision about how best
to provide long-term care for an elderly
parent. A new study co-authored by
University of Virginia economics professor
Steven Stern suggests that you shouldn't
assume a home-care professional can better
care for your parent than you can.
The study, Stern said, found that elder
parents are more likely to describe
themselves as "happy" when they are
receiving informal in-home care from a child
or spouse than when they receive formal
in-home care from a nurse, home health aide
or other home care professional.
Appearing in the November issue of the
International Economic Review, the study
examined a data set of about 3,500
households with at least one member age 70
or older who participated in the 1993 wave
of a nationally representative, longitudinal
survey, the Assets and Health Dynamics Among
the Oldest Old.
The comprehensive survey, conducted by the
University of Michigan, was designed to
facilitate study of older Americans. It
includes questions on health, family
characteristics (including demographic
details of one's spouse and/or children),
income and wealth, but does not include any
direct measure of health quality.
Consequently, self-reported "happiness" was
used as a proxy, Stern noted.
Of the 3,500 respondents, 22 percent
received some sort of in-home care, 90
percent of which was informal, compared to
18 percent formal. Eight percent received
both.
Stern speculated why this self-reported
happiness was more prevalent among those
receiving informal in-home care from a child
or spouse: "A big part of looking at
happiness isn't the care per se, but the
fact that the kid is involved in it."
Many children of elder parents did not share
that insight about how Mom's or Dad's
happiness during long-term care may hinge
more on sharing time with loved ones than
the medical proficiency of a relative
stranger.
"The kids who are more educated perceive
their own care-giving as not particularly
high-quality," Stern said. "They think that
formal care is going to be more
high-quality."
That attitude may reflect belief in the
whole concept of professionalism, the notion
that a professional, by definition, will be
more skilled at a given task than a
nonprofessional.
The same bias is shared by more highly
educated parents, who also seem to prefer
formal care compared to their less-educated
peers, and not just because they can better
afford it. They see it as more effective,
Stern noted. So, in more educated (and more
professional) families, both parents and
children are better able to pay for formal
care, and may be more inclined to view the
formal care as higher quality.
Such assumptions have huge financial
implications as Baby Boomers gray and swell
the ranks of those needing long-term care.
Billions of dollars are at stake, both for
society and for family nest eggs, in
decisions about whether in-home elder care
will be provided informally or formally,
notes the study, "Formal Home Health Care,
Informal Care, and Family Decision Making."
[http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/cgi-bin/fulltext/122663094/HTMLSTART].
Stern's three co-authors are all former
students: David Byrne, now with the Federal
Reserve Board; Michelle Goeree, who holds
joint appointments at the University of
Southern California and the University of
Zurich in Switzerland; and Bridget Hiedemann
of the University of Seattle.
There are variations among those children
who provide care to their parents, Stern
said.
The average child of an elder parent (over
70) does not want to be a caregiver because
the task is seen as burdensome. Among those
who do choose to give informal care, the
primary motivation is a sense of filial
obligation and expectation, Stern said.
Daughters tend to provide higher-quality
care and experience less burden and more
sense of obligation than sons. As adult
children age, he added, they feel less
burdened by providing care, but provide
lower-quality care.
Mothers are less burdensome to care for than
fathers, but care for fathers is more
effective than care for mothers (as measured
by self-reported happiness).
The study also finds that higher opportunity
costs (i.e. giving up a higher salary, more
time, etc.) decrease the likelihood that a
child will provide care, Stern said, which
translates into the only significant racial
difference in care-giving. Increased
prevalence of informal care among African
Americans correlates largely with lower
average wages and opportunity costs.
Mothers are more likely than fathers and
unmarried parents are more likely than
married parents to receive informal care
from a child or child-in-law.
After examining the various factors that
impact long-term care decision-making, the
study modeled how adjustments to public
programs (primarily Medicare and Medicaid)
might influence family choices of informal
versus formal care.
The results suggest that marginal
state-by-state variations in Medicaid
qualification policies or spending have
little effect on long-term care decisions,
Stern said, because the decisions are driven
primarily by other factors: the potential
caregiver's feelings of burden and/or
obligation, the opportunity costs of
informal care-giving, and judgment of the
effectiveness of informal versus formal
care.
Medicaid subsidy increases large enough to
offset those primary decision-drivers would
be so expensive as to not be politically
feasible, Stern said.
This study builds on earlier research by
Stern [http://www.virginia.edu/insideuva/2002/25/elderly_parents.html],
who has spent more than 15 years studying
the economics of health care and other
social services.
Future research, Stern said, will look at
several waves of data from the Assets and
Health Dynamics Among the Oldest Old surveys
to shed light on how changes over time may
impact elder care decision-making.
Preliminary results suggest that, as a
sibling engages in care-giving, his or her
care-giving skills improve, but care-giving
motivation declines, Stern said. It's not
yet clear whether the "learning" effect or
the "burnout" effect is more powerful.
Stern also aims to examine how strategic
sibling interactions may impact elder care
decision-making. Strategic self-interest (or
altruism) might be evident in a number of
ways, he said, such as siblings comparing
salaries, comparing care-giving skills, an
inclination to free ride when one sibling is
wealthier and more capable of paying for
formal care, or even competition among
siblings to spend time providing informal
care in hopes of a bequest reward.
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